~r Political Machinery vs Reforni or Two Speeches that were Too True for the Political Boss to Allow Published ■. MAIN THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT AUSTIN THE GENERAL LIBRARIES This Item is Due on the Latest Date Stamped DUE KUMISS* W9 01 RETURNED 1381 fa A Speech of a United States Senator and a Paper of a Prominent Educator Copyrighted 190S by Bascom Kavanaugh, State Agent, S24 Market Street, Galveston, Texas _ , , ..... ■ * • ■ « INTRODUCTION. In submitting these speeches to the reading; public, we do not believe we are committing a crime, but we leave you to be the judge of that. We have purposely withheld the Senator's and Professor's names for fear of some misunderstanding with party leaders, I have obtained permission to publish these speeches provided no names were given. The composers of these speeches intended them for publication, but the party boss decided to assign them to oblivion. The story of the speeches is easily told. During the last Session of Congress a bill was introduced which had for its purpose the checking of the South's efforts to disfranchise the Negroes. The Republicans claimed that the South was openly denying the Negroes the right which the Fifteenth Amendment of the Consti- tution guaranteed them. The Bill was brought in in due and ancient form and, after the preliminaries, was referred to a committee. Both sides expected a favorable report and made haste to arrange for the coming debate. The southern Senator selected to champion the opposition began at once preparing his speech. When he had finished writing the speech, he sent it to me with two requests. First, that I should make a copy of the speech and hold it in readinessforpuibli- cation as soon as it was delivered in the Senate. But the Bill miscarried in committeej therefore! the Senator never delivered his speech. I sent in the oration, with explanation to my paper, the Editor wished to publish an abbreviated form of the speech as the Senator's opinion upon the race problem; but after consulting the party leader, it was decided to say no more about it. The second speech had a singular fate. A prominent Texas educator read this paper before the Conference of Education. The paper was given to me to send in for publication. I sent it in. After the manu- script was sent, the professors concluded that in face of the coming primary election, it would be best to withdraw the paper. The paper was withdrawn. You have the whole story in a nutshell. Just one more word of explanation — my reasons for publishing these speeches. I want the common people — folks like you and me — to see how the Party Bosses run the Party Machinery. I contend that the boss and his machine are enemies to reform. By dictating to our states- men and culling every speech they make, we common people are fed on skimmed milk. We never know the true state of affairs, unless we get on the inside circle, then, we have to keep quiet or lose our pie. I believe after you have read this pamphlet, you will agree with me in pronouncing these speeches worthy of publication. The honorable gentlemen have struck the key note, and we do hope, trust, and pray that they will muster up the moral courage to continue the music. The Reporter. THE SENATOR'S PROPOSED SPEECH UPON THE RACE QUESTION. 'Mj. Prp;iidei!.t, ■ I am, greatly surprised that a bill so obviously uncon- stitutioaalv.,^: ole-arly ^contradictory to the laws and traditions of this nation,' should came -up for deliberation in this august body. When I learned that this bill had passed into the hands of the committee, 'I. .fell;, stfre 'Lhcie. wculd -be^no further action taken; but, alas! how little we can divide .of t'he ff*i£&r.e.; The State laws, the Constitution, the Holy Writ itself is nut respect-id by this administration, when a measure is calculated to influence a few votes for the Mighty One's Elect. Sir, whether we expected it or not, the bill is before us, therefore, I crave your indulgence for consuming your time discussing this measure. My surprise at the author's audacity does not allay my fears of the baneful results should this bill become a law. Knowing the temper of my fellow countrymen in the South, and seeing the destructive effect this measure would have on their cherished social system, I feel justified in entertaining the gravest misgivings. Indeed, sir, this is not a light subject, nor, should we treat it indifferently. Our nation is a unit; it is one body composed of many parts; if one member is injured, the whole must suffer with it. How you can work calmly on in obedience to the commands of your lord and master of the Big Stick, though he dictates laws that threaten the destruction of the nation, is more than I can comprehend. Is some great calamity going to befall us, or what are we afraid of? It does not take a great statesman to descry a crisis coming. From the slums of the cities of the North, from the anarchical hordes of de- graded foreigners of the West, and from the millions of black beasts of the South come unmistakable evidence of destructive forces at work undermining the foundation of our free government. The breach is growing wider and deeper; the pacific strata are trembling under their own weight; the collapse is inevitable; the shock will jar the government from center to circumference, and fortunate will we be if we are not submerged by the wave of evil that will roll in upon us. If the danger is so manifest, you ask, how shall we subvert the crisis? The remedy is simple. Remove the cause, Now, I know the learned gentleman from New York, who has so ably entertained you with his lengthy discussion of the pending bill, will discredit a treatment so simple. He prefers to experiment with a more complicated compound. Give the dose the gentleman prescribes, and you will only be aggravating the disease. The remedy I shall shortly prescribe is not a new one, for it has been advocated by my fellow countrymen for the last one hundred years. For, indeed, sir, we cannot hope to cure this evil in a fortnight, but we can remove the cause of the trouble, then patiently wait for time and nature to heal our prostrated country. this year what they did the last, m W© « ^T^^dent, traveling by "It took thousands of years for *™1°™I°1 ^Cxnv who are not siavery » .wrong £ /o tos ^ | hour ther e^ma^ ^ J^X S3K S«-^ to review bHefiy Ms '"two" hundred eighty-nine year* ago to = first «^ Wg« the colonies were sold by a butch ship .captain to a vm P mark Those twenty Negroes, exchanged by the capla n i } ^ the beginning of the nations gr eatest an. uii, my j when shall we atone for the tr ansgr e s o of ou ^£ers gene ration, sin has been visited upon w ft* the , tin*, yea *£*££* of slaves ^rSXa^S^ S >aves were to be found from Massachusetts to Georgia. If at erst slave, were found in ^>^^^£UsL gradually disappear ^ fl ^ ^o^w^iii^b^^y^^ ^ until they reached millions? 1 here _ were T ^ v f^ roduct j ve rQC ky hills two sections differ in soil and c imato ^he ^product™ ro^ ^ of New England, together with the cold ™^ rs ^ £^g? industries, possible. Commerce and ^^^^L^ J^o fcmlri the intel- £or these the Negro was suited. The Africans « > too 10 P XS-do we find the Negroes ™£^™ %£$£%%!> above reasons, but a second cause is found m "<e mneren ce ^^ themselves. The people of the Nor th were g e »^ ' * ^ were ?Ti?vSn ^ r rA*£o?t£\^^ tlim as the nosing link between man and monkey. *--w1mw1 It was a long time before the Yankee's »«™ ^ because of the immorahty of shiver y , The ge ^ ron u ^ so bitterly assails the ^^^^^'^a^Xing the past. I SS&ttM ^-SWiSSffi- vf/afeVthe Spanish colonies with African slaves between 1566 and 1580. An English com pany got the Asienta, or privilege of carrying slaves to the Spanish West Indies by the treaty of Utrecht in 1713. And all the good Puritans of New England thanked God, that they, too, should share some of the benefits of this godly treaty, by being permitted to engage in this human traffic It was reserved for South Carolina to be the first colony to become frightened and attempt to lay duties on Negro importation. Slowly the people came to lament that their country was cursed by this hellish practice. During the Revolutionary War, steps were taken by the Continental Congress to check it. The framers of the Constitution in 1787 had bitter debates upon this subject, they finally compromised by agreeing that for twenty years no restriction should be placed on the slave trade. But the difference between the two sections was becoming more marked. The difference came out in great distinctness when in 1777 Vermont prohibited the slavery of grown men and women. Pennsylvania in 1780 passed an act declaring that all persons born within the commonwealth after the date of the act should be free. Massachusetts ml 780 de- clared that "all men are born free and equal," and New Hampshire fol- lowed with the same resolution in 1783. In Connecticut and Rhode Island emancipation acts, similar to that of Pennsylvania, were passed in 1784. By the ordinance of 1.787, freedom was guaranteed in the whole territory north of the Ohio river and cast of the Mississippi river. In 1799 New York passed a gradual emancipation act; and in 1S04 New Jersey followed. By the beginning of the nineteenth century, in the solid block of territory north of the Mason and Dixon line, slavery was dead or dying. , ■ . Mr. President, I shall not worry you by giving the details ol the slave agitation during the fifty yeaTs preceding the Civil War. Suffice it to say that in 1807 a bill was passed by Congress prohibiting the impor- tation of slaves after 1808. In 1S20 the Missouri Compromise permitted Missouri to enter the Union as a slave state, but all other states created out of the Louisiana Purchase north at ,36 30 north latitude, were to be free; south of that, they could decide forthemselves When California was ready for statehood, the Compromise of 1850 was consummated, admitting her as a free state. In 1854 the Kansas- Nebraska Bill opened the way for the infuriated mobs to commit those stunts that were a disgrace to even "bleeding Kansas." It was not the above laws nor the debates in the Halls of Congress that did most to spread the abolition and antislavery movements, but the press, the pulpit, the platform, and the societies, under such leaders as Garrison and Whittier, were the chief instruments that quickened the nation's conscience. The awakening was the natural consequence of the steady intellectual development of the people. The people were aroused to fever heat, and it was certain that a rev- olution would come. For three-quarters of-a century the quarrel had been growing; there was no possible way of removing the cause that would prove satisfactory to both parties. The war was as sure to fol- low as night is to follow day. In the end every Negro in the United States was made a free citizen. That result obeyed laws as unalterable as the laws that govern this planet in its flight around the sun. Mr. President, I beg your pardon for detaining you so long. But, sir, I cannot pass this war without speaking one word in defense of my father's comrades-in-arms. The constitutional right of secession is an historical fact. The most radical gentleman of the majority cannot deny it But it is not our purpose to debate the rights of secession-right for the star's and stripes was a hero. ^\^f^%^tn^ tha immortal with Lee deserves more pr » t*"*™ " ™£ ™f ve shal i ever leveled a lance in defense of a fair lady. bl ^' ^Y r m never i the not mention the past, "Let the past bury its d«d. N '^l^ heroism displayed upon a thousand bat tie heldb 1 iaa «" ug fool thru simplicity. , Qm1i +k Itl^^^T^r^^^^tsSZr for dis- ^ wtotf £2 = you are ideali^ H««^^ down South, we would co mpel ™ ito£* «£»g ^ ^KK» for your ignorance, The .good I old «eg™eyou »e es „ are stiU gST^TS; iicsoflhronie J^atio and chivalrous .South ■tSSKSrSB*. ex-slave, we are introduced to the = buck of to-day. And what a ccmhiahon he ^ ^ **«££ his SSSS^^SM ^7oirh b r a n f is to cast a reflection upon the human race. „ r -hr»m von are raising this hue and wflen tX e stability of our government depen, ^C of h^CoStutiol its citizens. The man that is unable ^.^^^-tXt. To allow ^^trn^^X^Te-^^ Wdless of nullification is to jeopardize our local government. qU ! a y^u rive no aiiln.ee to offer^t *-S-^S2ffij£S unincumbered by an additional weight Andwh^t a tordens You do not figure their increase lite ^.^^^ with the present £fe^t«^£ *^£^^ a majority at ^"multiplication of the full-blooded Negro is a serious problem ability inherited from the whites,-make them far mora formidable, thus, giving rise to a greater apprehension for our future. Everywhere you find Negroes, and you will find them everywhere, you will see a greater or less number of miilattoes. Under the present conditions there is no possible way preventing this amalgamation. Not one Negro wench in ten thousand is chaste, and that one is virtuous in as much as it requires a little higher price to buy her than for the common herd. And what of the white men who keep a Negro mistress? They are mostly of the lower stratum, who are neither capable nor considerate enough to think of the consequence of their sins. Southern gentlemen will not debase themselves with such a practice, and, they condemn it with greater severity than anyone. They see clearly the disastrous re suits it will have upon their people. With all this confronting them, the people have bestirred themselves to discover some plan that will enable them to counteract these evils Sir, I do not believe I will be violating my obligation if I mention some of the secrets of this society. The society is known as "The Knights of Light." The growth for the last two years is unparalleled by any similar order. It has for its purpose a momentous question — the race problem. The very cause that induced my countrymen to restrict the i Negro vote led to its formation. If you will be patient with me for a few minutes, I will explain to you the purpose of this order, and the way they propose to accomplish it. - In the fewest words possible, the purpose is this: To transport all Negroes in the United States to Africa. As there is no law to compel a coon to leave unless he wants to. the first step is to make him want to emigrate. Every person who joins the lodge swears, among other things, to assist the coons to the conclusion that it is to their interest to place the Atlantic Ocean between themselves and the members of "The Knights of Light." The first step of this process of persuasion is simple and ligitimate. The members, under severe penalty for a violation of the oath, swear that after January, nineteen hundred nine, neither they nor any member of their families will for any consideration: — (1) Sell a Negro anything to eat, drink, or wear. (2) Rent them land, houses, or anything what- soever. (3) Nor will any lawyer, teacher, preacher, or doctor give them any professional assistance. (4) Fail to boycott any merchant who sells to them or buys from them, the same with a hotel keeper or any- one else who is not a member — members will not dare do any of the above things. (5) Fail to buy anything the Negro has for sale; as , land houses, stock, etc. (6) Fail to furnish any Negro with a ticket who desires transportation to a seaport where passage to Africa might be obtained. Speakers and agents are to tell them of the delightful home across the Atlantic from whence they came. Nor is the press to be idle. All manner of books, magazines, papers, and pamphlets, calculated to excite a desire in them for a home across the pond, will be scattered among them. Poor whites of the cities are to take the place of the Negroes who are now working the large farms and plantations. Land owners who insist on retaining Negro laborers and renters, instead of the poor whites, will be dealt with in a summary manner that will not fail to convince them that it will be to their interest to discard the coons. By these and various other means that I shall not mention, life will be made intolerable for the Negro, consequently, he will prefer any old place rather remain in the South. With this much accomplished, an agreement will be made with one of the provinces of Africa, Congo State preferable, where some eleven or twelve millions of American Negroes can be happily located. Steamship companies are being organized that will undertake to transport the Negroes, with all the movable property they might desire to take with them, to their new home. Of course, they will be expected to pay for their own passage, but if they cannot, and if there is not enough money in their crowd or enough property left behind to satisfy the shippers, they will be taken free. When once there, it is the sworn duty of the members of the order to assist them in getting a start in the new country by helping them exist, until he can accustom himself to the climate and conditions of his home. And it shall be the further duty of the Knights to see that when once landed no coon shall ever return. When these mild and humane means fail to put the Negroes to moving, stronger measures will be taken. Methods, that with justice to my constituents, I cannot mention. Suffice it to say, that if it requires object lessons to convince the outsiders and the blacks that the Knights mean business, a sufficient number will be given. Also, suitable penal- ties will be inflicted upon traitor Knights, and those who violate their obligations. For instance, we will have no more Booker T's. — those saddle-colored misslips of a midnight's debauchery. Sir you may laugh at the idea of such an order. You may say that it is a band of cutthroats and robbers. You may denounce them as lawbreakers; and say that such an order is a violation of the Consti- tution and every member is subject to criminal prosecution. But the order is there; and all the courts in the United States cannot convict one member. It is a secret order, therefore, not one member will testily against another; and the outsider will have no positive knowledge of the work of the inner ring. But when the time arrives for the work to begin, you will see an actual demonstration of this latent power. A little over two years ago the first lodge was organized, smce then the membership has been growing by leaps and bounds. Alabama has.... ■ J^.39l members. Arkansas has ■ 1 ,*'i iC Florida has -Jf^K Georgia has....... WW ^ Louisiana has lis 077 Mississippi has ■ At'tLt Missouri has ■■- " ictriq North Carolina has ■ li'fi? n Oklahoma has - ??»X?i Texas has , ■ ■■ ^,059 ^ Virginia has "* ,?r£oS South Carolina has ..111,693 Total for the twelve states 1,503,155 members. Agents are at work organizing in Kentucky and Tennessee. You have the conditions before you as they actually exist. Ihe question is not whether this is right or wrong; but, in the name of God, what are you going to do about it? The proposition, with all its im- perfections, is r nevertheless, a force you must reckon with. You may discuss, investigate, and legislate, but while you are deliberating, the South is growing more desperate. t , What would we do about it then? As I intimated m the beginning, there is but one thing we can do — remove the cause. When you do this, the trouble will cease. All your threats, all your use of force, will avail 8 nothing; anything short of the removal of the cause of the grievance will not suffice. Mr. President, the Federal Government should undertake this task. You must not permit that unfortunate race to surfer unnecessary misery. If the Negroes must go, and go they must, let them be banished with the least possible cruelty. The Federal Government can transport them with dispatch and certainty; private individuals would accomplish the task with pain and difficulty. Mr. President, I propose to lay before you a scheme, which, if closely adhered to, will, with the minimum cost and time, enable the government to accomplish this deportation. First, the government must secure a home in Africa for the Negroes. By a treaty with Congo State, a right could be obtained to settle them in the most productive country in central Africa. They would add strength to the native government, and at the same time, have all the freedom desirable. If with them a suitable treaty cannot be negotiated, satisfactory ar- rangement can be made with France or England for a right to settle in the Sudan. The men in authority of those two nations are too wise to refuse a proposition that would increase the laboring population of their foreign possessions; and that would flush their revenue several millions a year. If settled in the Sudan, the Negroes will pass from under the control of the United States into the control of the British or French, which we can well afford to do with thanks in the bargain. Secondly, the government must send agents among the Negroes to encourage the migration, after the treaty is made for an African territory. By telling them of the delightful climate, and rich soil where cotton and all lands of fruit grow wild; where there are no white men to rape their women and lynch the men; where they can have Negro officers and make their own laws, and where freedom will be as unlimited as the sunshine above their heads, the agents can persuade them to make preparation to go. And I assure you, the Negroes will be found quite willing to go; for they are as unsatisfied with the present conditions as we are. As an old Negro expressed it, "The situation am vacant." Thirdly, the government must help the Negroes dispose of their prop- erty, thus prevent unscrupulous white men from cheating them out of their possessions. Where they own farms, buy them with govern- ment money — I will account for these farms later. Through the officers and the system of exchange, the Negroes can sell their property, or trade it for merchandise they will need in their new home. In a thousand ways this Bureau of Trade will be helpful. Fourthly, transportation to Africa must be furnished them in govern- ment ships, or in ships sailing under government contracts. The Negroes will pay the actual cost of the passage, when they are able. Fifthly, protection from hostile tribes, and, as far as possible against disease, must be guaranteed. If settled in Congo State, the United States, assisted by the Negroes themselves, must furnish the protection. I If settled in the Sudan, the French or English, in which one's territory the colony is made, must guarantee protection. By following this simple plan, the United States can rid herself of this abominable race. We have been the dumping ground for the world long enough. It is our move; let's move toward the kingline, then, when they jump them over, we can jump them back. I hear you protest that the rice farms; the sugar-caneplantations, and the cotton-fields, cannot spare the Negro laborers. That porti.ons of ! the South where the whites cannot exist, the blacks thrive. That to take out ten millions of the denizens of the South will improvish the richest sections of the nation. You are partly right. But the deporta- tion of the Negroes is only half of the scheme we propose. The other half is to secure Teutonic immigrants to populate the dis- tricts made desolate. The ships that take cargoes of Negroes can re- turn by way of Europe and bring back an equal number of trcrmamc passengers. Is there a Negro-loving Yankee that would object to that trade ? But you say it takes two' to make a trade- Then how are we to secure our Teutonic 'immigrants? The same way we calculate moving the poor whites from the northern and southern cities to the plantations formerly worked by the blacks— offering inducements they can see clearly will be to their interest to accept. Mr President, the first thing for the government to do is send agents to those overcrowded countries to tell the people of the middle-class of our sunny southland, where the harvest is plentiful and the laborers are few Send agents to England, Germany, Sweden, Norway, Den- mark, Netherlands and Belgium, where more than 120,000,000 people live upon an area of 665,855 square miles. (In the United States we have not counting the Negroes, about 65,000,000 people living upon 3,556,600 square miles.) If those people in those densely populated countries knew of the many opportunities here, they would be delighted to come, when a way is offered them, to our states where a comfortable home may be had at reasonable terms; and employment at living-wages can be secured for their sons and daughters. Instruct our Commissioners to make speeches whereever they go. Furnish them with literature to scatter broadcast among the people Let them organize the middle-class into immigration societies. And when the people understand the state of affairs, they will make prepara- tion to leave their fatherland, and accept the reasonable rate of transporta- tion for the new land beyond the sea. Secondly, when our Teutonic kinsmen arrive, assist them in securing homes If they have money to make a payment on a home, sell them the farms the government bought of the Negroes, and other state and government lands. There are thousands of land owners, who are anxious to divide their large farms and ranches, and sell them in small tracts to industrious farmers. Think of the broad nver valleys, and millions of acres of coast land, that only waits the hand of industry to yield an hundred fold, whereon multitudes of those thrifty folks could live in luxury. We need more intensive instead of so much extensive farming Not a county in the South yields its full limit. The richest land we have is unfilled. We need those Dutch farmers to teach us how to cultivate this land. Employment bureaus could assist all to obtain work who are unable to buy land. Give those economical folks our customary wages, and they will save enough in a little while to buy a home. While we are importing those thrifty folks, we will be, at the same time checking that ilood of undesirable immigrants, who will soon reach a sufficient number to absorb the Teutonic element of the American people. Sir, I will not dwell here, for I fear you have already classed me with the dreamers of schemes impossible for the gods to perform. Mr President, I have only one more phase of this subject to consider, then I shall bring my remarks to a close. But with your permission, 1 shall not think of closing until I shall have discussed that topic. fe come now to the consideration of the moral right of the plan we have elucidated. *irst and foremost, this nation must and shall be preserved. To do a great good, do a little wrong," and -Of two evils choose the less It is wron^ to imprison our fellowmcn, it is horrible to hang a man, but to free society from the contamination of such people for hrSfri \T w f ed * -i 3 ? 11 * ?°V ay the Ne ^° is not ^sponsible for being here. We reply, neither is the man you hang responsible for being in the world We need punish the criminal for the good of society we must ship the Negro to save the nation. y Again, the deteriorating effects of our present social system arc causing the American people to degenerate. We are fast becoming an effeminat- ed and inferior race of men. The infusion of new Teutonic blood is needed. The great nations of the past have been the mixed people The commanding position of the English nation, and our present great- ness is due mainly to the amalgamation of the different Germanic peonies of which we arc composed. All that is left us is choose with whom we shall blend. Do you prefer having our country populated with pure- blooded whites or filled with illegitimate leather-colored coons? What a contrast, sir, there will be in the results of that choice. You know too well the condition of the South, and what will surely follow if the Negroes are allowed to remain. But unfold the curtains of the future and behold the South after the colonization of twenty-five mil- lions industrious whites. Tell me, did you ever witness a pleasantcr sight than the ten thousand blue-eyed, rosy^cheeked, laughing boys and girls with their golden curls tossed by the summer breeze, as they run and play ? J Moreover, sir, it is not only the survival of the fittest, but God wills it I he hand of Providence is in it all. It has been truthfully said: "There is a law higher than the Constitution." The Negroes were brought here to be civilized and christianized. Now, they are to be returned to the heart of their fatherland to preach the glad tidings to every living soul in that ost Continent. It will be the greatest missionary move ever projected in the history of the Church, and will terminate by regaining the whole continent for the Master. h This is an age of invention and commerce, and I know there are some who look at everything from the standpoint of profit and loss. Even the propagation of the Gospel does not appeal to them. A material advantage alone has weight with them, Yet they need not despair tor it does not require a prophet to see that a lively commerce will spring up between the United States and her African colonics. By judicious dealings, our foreign commerce will be greatly augmented Not only a commercial advantage, but the expansionist will find a broad field for his diplomatic abilities. The United States of America, if she desires, can gam a foothold in Africa. *JSVfi^ pla V S bef " re .y° l \ Fr °™ beginning to end.it is simplicity personified; and considering the tremendous consequences its rejection or acceptance will have upon all the people, and remembering its effects will reach every home in the South, both black and white, it behooves us to give it our careful consideration. I fully appreciated the fact that this scheme has little m common with the bill under discussion; lor tins bill is the forerunner of the great crisis that must be met. Shall we pass this bill, and other similar ones that will speedily follow; and thus permit this Government of the people and Tor the people and by the people to perish from the earth? God forbid? Let us rather substitute one that will eliminate the curse of the nation; and by so doing receive the blessings of posterity. ° 1 I A PAPER READ BY A PROMINENT EDUCATOR BEFORE THE CONFERENCE OF EDUCATION. Mr. President, Fellow Teachers, Ladies and Gentlemen:— When the news of the defeat at Jena spread a v.eil of gloom over the land , and Prus- sia was ground under the heel of Napoleon; when Frederick William III. was stripped of his possessions, and Germany was humbled to the dust; when not one of all her loyal subjects would dare resent the insults heaped upon their beautiful Queen Louise by the Corsican tyrant, then the great Counselor, directed by "Father John," sought the regeneration of das Dcutschland through universal education. The members of the "League of Virtue" sang their college songs and discussed the wrongs of their country, and drank their beer to the hope of a con- federation yet unborn. The Army of Frederick the Great bad grown old; the only hope remaining was in popular education. Thus Germany worked out her own salvation, and thus must we. If we expect to re- move the curse of illiteracy, and uplift the ignorant; if wc expect to counteract the increasing social evils and ultimately reach the Utopia, we must look for our help in universal training. Wc are met here, fellow teachers, to discover just where the defects in our present system are. The greatest deficiencies arc in the elementary and intermediate schools. We do not wish, however, to depreciate what the teacher and school have done for society, they have been of incal- culable benefit. But if our social and political panacea is education, a lively interest should be manifest in its perfection. The common district schools lack uniformity in their curriculum. Rarely are the pupils properly classed, English being generally ignored. In one school the boys and girls have only two or three studies apiece; in another, they will have so many books that they need a wheelbarrow to carry them. And another more serious defect is the short term. The schools continue from sixteen to twenty weeks, and in the cottan- gruwing, states where the children pick cotton until Christmas, then stop the middle of March to plant corn, they attend ten or twelve weeks in a year* Now add to this the poor accommodations found in the majority of the country school-houses, supplemented by the meager training of the instructors who teach them, and you can account for the prevalent illiteracy. Again, the more fortunate children who receive the advan- tage of the full term, and who desire to enter high school, find, to their sorrow, they are not prepared to enter any one grade, consequently, must be placed back where it requires some time for them to even up where they should have been at the beginning. But the most lamentable defect is that those who leave the country schools to assume the re- sponsibility of citizenship arc not prepared to confront the perplexities of modern life. In the secondary schools conditions are somewhat better, but very little, The high schools arc so inconveniently situated for a large ma- jority of the children that they are practically without the advantage of high-school training. Many of the elementary schools taught by one, or possibly two teachers, make an effort to supply those higher courses. If the teacher succeeds in benefiting her more advanced pupils, the smaller children will necessarily suffer from neglect. Thus by at- tempting too much, the teacher is often brought to grief But in those schools that have departments devoted exclusively to nigh-school training and where there is no lack of competent teachers, a uniform system of grading is wanting. It is a sad fact, but true, nevertheless, that many of those high-school graduates with reputable class standing are unable 12 to pass a state examination for a second-class certificate, - While graduates with similar standing from another school purporting to give the same number of grades, could easily secure a state permanent certificate. Then it is no wonder that so few of the schools are affiliated with the university. Bearing all this in mind, and remembering there is a total absence of manual training, you will not be surprised that we are ad- vocating reform We are not objecting that manual training is poorly taught; but that it is not taught at all. The seven hand tools — the axe, saw, plane, hammer, square, chisel, and file, with their modifications in the modern machine shops may be regarded as the great civilizing agency of the world, and the child in an industrial age should be well "acquainted with them. This acquaintance can be made best and quickest by manual training, which connects tbc child with the active world, thus rendering this world of tilings and deeds intelligible. Notwithstanding all the above defects and the crying need for reform, it will be in this case as in.all others, the masses will blindly oppose it The more ignorant a people are, the more determinedly will they reject any innovation. They unhesitatingly brand all such" efforts as some rascal's scheme, to get rich quick. And to make reform still more difficult, there are always demagogues who are ready to champion the people's clannish superstitions in order to further their own popularity. The people's conception of an education is an erroneous one- A knowledge of the three R's is all they think necessary. They see the utilitarian feature only. And how could they think 'otherwise? For within their limited experience and learning the noble elements of man lie dormant, with not an associated idea to spur them to action. They having never tasted of the Wine of Wisdom, as a matter of course, have no desire for it. A store of isolated facts; as, the height of Pike's Peak, the number of chapters in the Bible, and the number of inches in the circumference of the earth, is what they want. When I began making preparations to enter the University, several of my friends came to mc and advised me not to spend my money foolishly, and asked me why 1 wanted to continue going to school, and what" else was there that I expected to learn. They assured me that I knew more than they, and so far, they had succeeded in life.*' The laity's misconception of a genuine education brings out one of the striking differences between an educated and an uneducated mars. In the short time allotted for the reading of this paper, we cannot under- take to contrast the main difference of the two classes from a psycholog- ical standpoint. "The real object of genuine republican education," says Dr. Kliot, "is the discovery and development of the inborn capacities and powers of each individual, and the increase, through increased efficiency and seryiceableness, of his happiness, of his enjoyment of the solid, human satisfactions-— health, productive labor, and social and domestic life. Locke observes; "Out of one hundred men, more than ninety are good or bad, useful or harmful tc society, owing to the education they have received." Leibnitz remarked: "Entrust me with education, and in less than a] century I will change the face of Europe." We concur with" Dr. Eliot when he advocates the doctrine that education is to prepare a man for real active life. It is, indeed, "The discovery and development of the inborn capacities and powers of each individual," It is that preparation, that training, necessary to prepare one for complete living. 13 From the above condition, we conclude that some definite school system should be inaugurated that will be more in harmony with the demands of the times- I make bold tc venture a plan for an ideal system, which, we hope will meet with your favorable consideration. The system should he characterized by a maximum of local indepen- dence and with a minimum of central control. Education should be universal, compulsory, and secular. Besides the special" schools; as, normals for teachers, institutes for the blind, etc., there are three main divisions: the common, or district schools; the industrial, or training school, the university. DIVISION I.— THE COMMON SCHOOL, Without references to county boundary lines, the state should be surveyed into districts six miles square. Each district will contain thirty-six square miles. A substantial school house consisting of not less than two rooms should be built near the center of the district, using, as far as possible, the school building that chanced to fall within the district. This would place a school in four miles of the most distant home In connection with this, there should be erected a teacher's residence of at least four comfortable rooms; also, if convenient, truck patch of twenty acres of land, should be set aside for the use of the T J* ""l 11 f* 1"S That the people, might feel a personal interest in their school the im- mediate supervision should be, as far as expedient, by local authority. Tliree trustees should be elected, each serving three years, one retiring and another elected each year. They should have general control of the school, as, employing and dismissing teachers, etc. Besides the funds received from the state and county appropriation, a local tax of not less than twenty cents on* the one hundred dollars valuation should be collected. A district in the productive black land belt would have, say one hundred fifty scholars at six dollars per capita, equal nine hundred dollars. Allowing a rendition of forty dollars per acre for the land, with a special school tax of twenty-five cents on the one hundred dollars, it would amount to two thousand, three hundred fifty dollars, this plus the state appropriation would pay incidental expenses, and four competent teachers living wages. As I intimated in the beginning, the attendance should be compulsory. Each child between the ages of -six and sixteen should be compelled by state to attend thirty-two weeks in each year. Parents and guardians should be fined for all unexcused absences. Protracted sickness and so on, would, of course, be lawful excuse. Those pupils who could not finish the ten year course by the time they reach sixteen should be allowed to continue free of tuition for an indefinite time, or until they did finish the course. The course of study should be divided into three parts, the primary, the intermediate, and the high school. The curriculum should be ar- ranged by a state board, appointed for that purpose. They should meet everv two years and make all necessary changes. We shall not undertake the task of saying just what should be taught in each grade; however, the high school should be sufficiently advanced for every disLrieL school to be affiliated with the University. While affiliation with the universities should not be lost sight of, courses in agriculture and manual training ought to be given. All graduates from these common schools shall be eligible to enter the training school without examination. Free scholarships to the teach- 14 er's normals and to the University should be given to these of except! anal ability. Thus by constantly selecting those of Lhc highest class standing for the special work, the professional men and women will he of the best brain the country affords. The question of teachers is an important one. No teacher shottJd be required to teach more than forty scholars. All teachers must be normal graduates or have university degrees. And they shall be elected for not less than two years nor more than five, They must teach thirty-two weeks rn each year, but if a majority of the teachers desire it, and 'there is enough money appropriated to the school, the school might continue more than thirty-two weeks, however, the attendance after the regular term expires will not be compulsory, The number of teachers in a school will be governed by the number of scholars. The ten grades will be taught in districts with as many as two teachers. In thinly settled counties where one teacher can teach the school, the advanced scholars from several adjoining districts will have to employ a special teacher, each district represented paying its pro rata. The question we teachers are most interested in is salary. Take the district mentioned above as a typical example: — 150 scholars at $6 per capita. $ 900 25c. tax on land at $40 per aero 2,304 Principal per year ftl.OOO First Assistant per year g00 First Assistant per year 800 Second Assistant per year 650 Primary per year ... 700 Blalance for incidentals _ 54 Balance 3,204 3 t 204 In addition to the one thousand dollars salary, the principal is to have free of rent the teacher's residence; and all produced on the truck patch. 1 his patch is to be used in teaching agriculture. Of course, you understand that the regulations coneerning the si#e of . the district, etc., doss not pertain to the towns and cities that have con- trol of their schools. They shall however, have the same grading in the primary intermediate, and high school; also, they shall have universal, compulsory, and secular education. DIVISION II.— THE TRAINING SCHOOL'. _ At or near the center of a square containing thirty-six districts, a train- ing school or industrial school, should be located, The school would be m twenty-five miles of the farthest home. The Training School is to be a state institution, sin-ported, and partially controlled by the thirty-six districts in which it is located, hence, the tuition should be free, All graduates of the common school, both sexes, may attend. Men and women over twenty-five years old who have no diploma from the common school may be admitted tinder certain condi- tions as special students, The motor training to be given will require two veurs for completion. Ihe first year will be a continuation of the manual training given in the district schools, supplemented by gymnasium drills, and a course in English, etc., special attention being given to agriculture. Ihe second year should be of a more industrial nature. Work in the shop, with the major part devoted to scientific farming, stock raising and so on, thus bridging the impossible gulf separating the home and the school. The co-ordination of the brain and the mind, with a deeper 15 understanding of the thousand and one things that ordinarily are of no interest to the farm laborer, the farm-life will be exalted and the breach between the farmer and the professional man will be lessened, which will have a tendency to keep our boys and girls on the farm. The disposition to undervalue the land is an inheritance from the speculative philosophy of the Middle Ages, which was based on contempt ol the body and its members. Contempt for the body has generated a feeling of contempt for manual work and has multiplied dishonest prac- tices in the course of the struggle to acquire wealth by other means than manual labor. The active participation of children in manual training ought to correct the false notion so_ prevalent among children that man- ual labor is less worthy than professional occupation. It would tend to unify society instead of to stratify it. When 1 talk of manual training and industrial schools, I find most people do not fully understand. Industrial training finds great excellence in automatic and mechanical execution as means to pecuniary advantage. Manual training finds its great excellence rather in the keener intellect, more accurate muscular control and judgment. Manual Training is defined by the American Manual Training Association as, any form of constructive work that serves to develop the powers of the pupil through spontaneous and intelligent Self-activity. To be more definite, Manual Training includes free hand and technical drawing, work in wood and metal, domestic science, cooking, dress making, pattern making, printing, Swedish sloyd, Russian tool practice, etc. Ideally when the boys begin the bench work, the girls should have a chance for training in" Domestic Science, plain and fancy sewing, and cooking, laundering, ventilation and care of heating plants, etc. The average industrial school could reasonably expect from the thirty- six districts represented an enrollment of one hundred fifty regular students. This would command a corps of four teachers, one for the academic branches; one lady for the girls industrial training; and two men for the shop and held work, The instructor 111 the academic branches should be a graduate of the University. The lady should be a graduate of an industrial college While the other two men should have diplomas from the Agricultural and Mechanical College. _ , Pay for the teachers and the various other expenses could !ue derived from two sources. First, part of the state appropriation. Secondly, from special tax- One industrial districts which will contain thirty-six common districts, as considered above, 30 District, 150 scholars per district. 5400 scholars at 50c per capita from state $2,700 Local tax, ft64 per district 2,304 Total fund...... $5,004 EXPENSES. Principal teacher for year ■. $1 h200 Two instructors, $1000 each per year.-.....- 2,000 Lady assistant, per year - &00 'Total.... 1 ' ----- - W.000 Balance $1,004 Which would be ample for sundry expenses and purchasing supplies. 16 There should be elected from among the people seven directors who, under the supervision of the State Superintendent of the Industrial Schools, should govern the Industrial Schools in accordance to the State Industrial School Laws. The regular term should be nine months. The school should be free to all who satisfied entrance requirements. A summer session of two months for men and women over twenty-five should have no entrance requirements more than citizenship and good moral character. This two months term should be devoted to lessons in scientific farming, diversification of crops, care and breeding of live stock, preservation of food stuff, etc. By giving thesis free lessons to the farmers and ranch- men, they individually would be benefited, and from, an economical standpoint, the state would be helped, DIVISION III.— THE UNIVERSITY. The university should consist of at least five different divisions: the school of arts.; the school of laws; the school of medicine; the school of engineering, and the agricultural and mechanical department. Strong courses in the school of arts should be maintained, leading to the A. B., A. M., and Ph. D. degrees. All graduates of the common schools who have done satisfactory work, and who have completed the ten year course by their seventeenth year shall be admitted without examination. Graduates of the industrial schools will receive credit for one year's work. Law students, before entering the Law Department, must take the four- year preparatory course prescribed for prospective law students, leading to Lho A. B, degree. After they shall have finished the academic work, two years more will be required for graduation in the Law Department. Also, the medical students must do four years work, taking the prospec- tive medical student's prescribed preparatory course in the school of Arts, then three years in the Department of Medicine before receiving the degree of Doctor of Medicine. The graduates of the common schools may enter the Department of Engineering, and receive their degrees when they have done satisfactory work for four terms. The Agricultural and Mechanical Department should make the same entrance and graduation requirements as the Engineering Department, save graduates of the Industrial schools should receive credit for one year work. SPECIAL SCHOOLS. There .should be maintained and controlled b}' the State ten normals for the training of teachers. The course should consist of three years' work' for graduation. No one should be admitted who has not finished the public school work. As. the normal is to be supported by the state, the tuition should be free. Those who attend the normals should be required to sign a pledge to teach for a specified number of years in the district schools. For every thirty-six districts, there should be a school for truants and incorrigible pupils. These schools should be controlled by state officers ; and should be supported by the parents or guardjans'of the children who attend them, "ft hen a child is sent there, the parents~are to be compelled by the state to pay for the child's board and tuition. The teachers and trustees of the district the child lives in are to be sole judges as to whether the child's conduct merits placing him in the school of incorrigibleSr While the law shall determine how many cases of truancy are necessary for conviction. The length of time the child is retained in the school depends on the nature of the charges and on his conduct while retained. The state should maintain a sufficient number of schools for the defec- tive, the deaf and dumb, the blind, etc. This is,, briefly stated, the system we hope in the near future to see adapted by every southern state. Rome was not built in a day, neither can we accomplish everything at once. We must patiently labor, gain- ing little by little, never retreating, ever forward. That we may approximate the'ideal t be on the alert to assist every possible move £or the better, let every man and woman stand firm for . the proposed amendment of article seven, section three, of the Constitu- tion of Texas, which reads: iL That two-lhirds of the qualified property tax-paying voters voting at an election to be held for that purpose, shall vote such tax not to exceed in any one year, twenty cents on the one hundred dollars valuation of. property subject to taxation in such district." Which will read if amended: "That a majority of the qualified property tax-paying voters voting at an election to be held for that purpose, shall vote such tax not to exceed in any one year fifty cents on the one hundred dollars valuation of property subject to taxation, in , such district." By securing the passage of this amendment, we will be making a long leap in the right direction The present law is undemocratic, because all good Democrats are willing for the majority to rule. This law, as it now stands, permits a majority of the parents to prevent the majority from providing a better school for their children. To illustrate: a few days ago in a school district in south Texas the citizens attempted to vote a special school tax often cents on the one hundred dollars valuation of property. Forty-eight voted against it; ninety-four voted for it, thus lacking two votes carrying. Here the laws of Texas allow forty-eight ignorant, non-enterprising men to say to ninety-four intelligent, enterprising citizens, "You cannot build up a decent school in this neighborhood, that you may educate your children at" home, but you must spend your hard-earned cash to send them to town to school, for we, the 'Big Forty-Eight,' prefer to keep our children in Ignorance, like their dads/' The present law discriminates between town and country children; for the citizens of a town can vote more money for support of their school . than the country people can for the support of the country school. No matter how anxious the country people are to vote enough tax to build a good school house, and employ a sufficient number of competent teach- ers, they can vote only a twenty-cent tax. Though the law virtually says that the town children are better than the country children, where is the Solon that will maintain this view? The town furnishes us with dudes; the country supplies us with men. If we can secure" the passage of this amendment, soon a majority of the districts will have better schools. The masses will gradually improve intellectually until a few years hence we can propose the Ideal System, and"carry it by popular vote. With the Ideal System in perfect working order, the millennium will be dawning. To see every man and woman with a practical education going about his or her chosen work with a trained hand and brain and with a willing heart, is a condition worth striving for. Then we shall hear no more of Socialists and Anarchists, but men and women will take a philosophical view of life, realizing that it is with them whether their future will be darker or brighter. The jails will be empty, and the penitentiaries will be turned into homes for the poor. We will hear no more of the poor man's burdens, for the problem will have b-een solved.